Development Of Psychological Thought In The Philippines

Development Of Psychological Thought In The Philippines If people lived in total isolation from other people, there would be no reason to study the effect that other people have on the behavior of individuals and groups. But human beings are social creatures. We live with others, work and play with others. We as Filipinos are full of extraordinary but amusing traits and attitudes. Filipinos love interaction and relationship within the society that is why we and the society are one. It is important because it is about us, the Filipinos. The way we influence, think and influence others. Secondly, it can help in educating and providing awareness in understanding the nature of people and experience. Thirdly, problems that we are facing nowadays such as societal problems, can be solved purely but this requires shift in human behavior. Lastly, it is important because it aims to deconstruct the Filipino minds way of thinking. It will serve as an eye opener for each and every Filipino. We personally expect that through this study we can understand the nature and causes of Filipino social behavior. The objectives of this paper are to know what gave rise to this field particularly its history? What are the concepts of social psychology associated with our daily life and what are its applications in the Filipinos. The scope and limitation of this study is within the context of the Philippines but some concepts were adapted from the West. It started during the 1980s. In the context of Philippine colonial education, Filipinos believe that scientific psychology came from the West. Murray Bartlett, an American established undergraduate psychology courses in the College of Education, University of the Philippines. American textbooks and English language were used as the medium of instruction. The good thing here is that literary writing was in Filipino language that was in dominance. Francis Burton Harrisons policy of attraction was also introduced during this time.  [1]   Early American Psychology in the Philippines and the colonial culture on Philippine Psychology was because of Agustin Alonzo. The Filipino term psicologia was already a part of laymans vocabulary.The works of del Pilar, Jacinto and Pardo de Tavera were rich sources of psychological theories even though they were propagandists and not psychologists. Even Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo mentioned the term Psicologos del verbo Tagalog in his speech. They were not title holders in Psychology but they still have this innate nature. The English language and the American system of Education were the instruments used. During the twenties American psychology teachers were replaced by Filipinos.  [2]   The Philippine objection to uncritical importation of Americans Psychological models challenged some of the Filipinos. The first attempt was done by Sinsiforo Padilla who took over from Alonzos position as a chairman at the University of the Philippines. Nevertheless, it was his colleague Manuel Carreon who took the cudgels for appropriate relevant psychological testing. On 1926 the Philippine Studies in Mental Measurement was published.Some understood part of Carreons message were modified to fit the Philippine context. change-apples-to-bananas  [3]   3 Isidoro Panlasigui identified the new culture of Psychology. The third generation of American brainwashed Filipino psychologists like Panlasigui. Due to this, Panlasigui admires America and it was clearly showed when he wrote about the psychology of the Filipino as he fought for the colonial language to be used. Alfredo V. Lagmay and his colleagues were sent to the United States not to neutralize the department. During that time, the Department of Psychology in the University of the Philippines was part of the College of Education. It was him to transferred it to the College of Liberal Arts. The U.P Department of Psychology was perceived as behavioral orientation form the 50s up to early 70s. His students continued some remarkable and significant studies in the field.  [4]   The History and Lines of Filiations in Philippine Psychological Thought Psychology-Academic This aspect of psychology became part of university curriculum under Francisco Benitez during 1922. It was first taught in the University of the Philippines as a part of the education curriculum. During the year of 1954, Joseph Goertz established the Department of Psychology and used English as the medium of teaching. On the other hand, in the midst of its growth in Manila this discipline was also introduced as a course in the University of St. Louis in Cordillera. It was facilitated by Fr. Evarist Louis a missionary priest.  [5]   Psychology-Academic Philosophy However, Psychology-Academic Philosophy was established first at University of Sto. Tomas by Spaniards and improved by the Jesuits. This aspect was older than the aspect mentioned before. It started and founded in many universities like UST (University of Sto. Tomas) and other Spanish institutions like San Ignacio and San Jose. In such institutions the medical and philosophy courses started. The ideas and written records on that time were seen to be related to Psychology. In a deeper analysis those can contain the way of life before. It includes the language , how the indio perceive the concept of self ,its criticisms and the activities of the ancient civilization. 4Ethnic Psychology The third aspect of Psychology known as Ethnic Psychology. It originates from the Filipinos and through the influence of other countries. It is not only older but also much complicated compared to the previous aspects. It has many strands to be entangled and one of those is the psychology that came from the Filipinos themselves. An indigenous psychology that is owned or influenced by other countries. The language is a cone attributing factor especially those activities that can show the collective experiences of Filipinos.  [6]   Social Psychology The study of Social Psychology is defined as a systematic study of the nature and causes of human social behavior. Primarily, its concern is about human social behavior. It includes a lot of matters regarding the individuals impact on other people, the processes of social interaction and the relationship that exist between individuals in the society. It is not just concerned with the nature of social behavior but also with its causes. It relies on methodologies, findings, experiments and surveys. In asking what the study is all about its 4 main concerns were also considered as a means of knowing it clearly. Basically it is about the impact that one individual has on another, the impact that a group has on its members then vice versa and the impact of a group to another group. In the context of the discipline in a working definition. Psychologists focus their attention in understanding the behavior of individuals within the context of society. It is primarily concerned with the understanding of the how and why individuals behave, think and feel as the way they do. In dealing with behavior we mean feelings and thoughts as well as overt actions. Consequently, it is defined as a scientific study of how a persons behavior, thoughts and feelings are influenced by several factors that can be real or imagined in the form or the presence of others. The field looks at behavior and mental processes including the social world in which we exist, as we are surrounded by other whom we are connected and by whom we are influenced in so many ways. It focuses on influence.  [7]   5An interview from Ms. Leslee Natividad from the Department of Social Sciences, University of the Philippines, Los BaĠos First we have to define first what Social Psychology is soà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Social Psychology is the study of how individuals affect the society and how the society is affecting the individual .If were going to relate Filipino into that on how the Filipino is affected by the society that we have here in the Philippines and maybe in the world in general. Now the world and the Philippine society affect the Filipino individual. As a person, everything that we are experiencing around us. Things that we are seeing, things that we are hearing, things that are affecting each and every moment of our lives that is part of Filipino Social Psychology. All of our behavior is shaped by the kinds of experiences that we have.  [8]   3 Main Areas of Social Psychology Social Influence It is the way in which other people affect our behavior. It is a process through which the presence of others can directly or indirectly influence an individual. These are ways in which other people affect our behaviors through thoughts and actions. How we are raised by certain people to whom we interact can affect our behavior. It varies with Conformity, Compliance and Obedience. Social Cognition It is defined as the ways how people thinks about other people and how they act toward other individuals. It varies because of attitudes which consist of the way a person feels and thinks as well a person behaves. Impression formation is also a part of cognition which is forming the first knowledge or judgment about a person seen for the first time. Attribution is the process of explaining self behavior or others. They use this to make sense of the social world through mental processes.  [9]   6 What was once called the objective world is a sort of Rorschach ink blot, into which each culture, lack system of science and religion, each type of personality, reads a meaning only remotely derived from the shape and color of the blot itself.  [10]   Social Interaction It is a way of knowing the positive and negative aspects of behavior. It is the area of Social Psychology which involves interaction and relationship between people. It includes prejudice which happens when an individual holds an unsupported and negative attitude towards other members of the society. It also varies with discrimination as treating people differently because of prejudice. Liking and loving, aggression were also developed here.  [11]   The liking and loving in our society known as interpersonal attraction is widely observed. Each one of us is attracted to some personalities in our society. It can be influenced and proved by the similarities, position, physical appearance and familiarity of both sexes  [12]  . According to psychologists they have identified three types of aggression. Firstly, is the Person-oriented aggression wherein the main goal is intentionally hurt someone. Secondly, is Pro active aggression when an aggressive behavior is done to achieve some desired outcome like gaining possession of an object. Lastly, is Reactive aggression is the reaction of an individual to an aggressive act.  [13]   In a positive way one of the best examples of pro social behavior is Altruism. It is a helping behavior that is costly to an altruistic person. It is a desire to help even there no 7 possible reward. It is always expected to depend on empathy. Empathy is the ability to share emotions and understand another person.  [14]   The Bases of Filipino Psychology Primarily, Prior knowledge of Psychology was the first basis of Filipinos for it involves important parts of Filipino Social Psychology. The knowledge of psychology Babaylan or Catalonan for the native Filipino people was an important part of Filipino Psychology. The Babaylan was the first Filipino psychologists. Aside from this were the prayers and whispers of various ethnic groups in the Philippines. Those were rich sources and stream of Filipinos prior knowledge of Psychology. We were also used in the psychology of the Filipino literature, even if it was expressed in oral or written way. It includes proverbs, stories and legends. The values and attitudes that Filipinos inherited were significant bases of Psychology. It includes most of Ethnic Psychology.  [15]   Man and his Thoughts The second is the basis of man and his thoughts and it denotes giving importance to man and his or her ideas. This is where Filipino Psychology and Psychology in the Philippines met. Filipino psychology was a part and always been a part of the worlds psychology. This basis has a clear influence of rational psychology that has been developed and improved in the University of Sto. Tomas. This was considered as traditional philosophy rooted in the ideas of Descartes and written works of Aristotle. Psychology is an aspect of Filipino Psychology as an academic discipline in some universities in the Philippines.  [16]   Period of changing mind It was the third basis because it is associated with Filipino personality. There were a lot of bases seen in this period. Particularly, this basis was evident in the written works of some Filipino writers like Pedro Serrano Laktaw and Isabelo delos Reyes. Even before the psychology of language was seen in written outputs produced by Filipinos. It somehow showed the shallow orientation of Filipino in terms of experiences in researching and conducting studies. Filipinos should not dampen their spirits instead they should hope for some improvements. 8Period of giving value to societal problems The time of giving importance to societal problems was the fourth basis because this serves as a witness of the society. Hartendorp is one of the American psychologists who become interested in our Psychology. The theory of Osias in 1940 is about the relation of language to the society and in connection of the knowledge of paralanguage in the actions of the individuals. However, his period is also the time of some Filipino psychologists. In such a way Filipino Psychology have this sure basis and it includes the works of Isidoro Panlasigui, Sinsiforo Padilla and Alfredo Lagmay who all gave importance to the acts and capabilities of an individual.  [17]   Societal problems Problems in the society were the fifth bases because it gave value for improvement and development. Aldaba- Lim is known for giving high value in societal problems. He often encourages Filipino psychologists to listen to the problems of the society. All doubts in his dedication will vanished if a person will examine all his efforts and contribution in some of his researches in Psychology. The period of Activism served as a witness of this basis. Language, culture and Point of view Language, culture and Point of view were the sixth bases because it is the most fundamental of all bases.Filipino language and dialect is very significant because it is a witness in the many studies conducted and translated into foreign language. The field must still use medium, system and ways to guarantee the wide scope of study. Regarding culture there are none or very few Filipinos who still doubt about the language and culture of the Philippines. According to some professors and psychologists there was this acquiescence effect in the can be seen in a scale used and answered by Filipinos. The American perspective was used in analyzing this. It must be done primarily in a Filipino oriented point of view.  [18]   9 The Concept of Language The concept of local language as a source of concept for Filipinos is a helpful tool because it gives a clear connection to their culture. Language is not just one effective way of communication but also a rich source of information. It is an affluent basis for the better understanding and orientation of culture. It is suggested to formulate a certain Filipino concept from the broader and wider scope it has. Language is the primary source in the study of Social Psychology of Filipinos. The native language is a rich source of concepts meaningful for and significant to the local culture. As a source of insight, some concepts were proven to be important in understanding the Filipino personality, worldview and behavior. Some of those were the concepts of hiya(shame), utang na loob(debt of gratitude) , pakikisama(yielding to the will of the leader or the majority, bahala na (fatalism) and amor propio (sensitivity to personal affront) which even some American psychologists attempted to study those. It still preferable to use the language as a main resource.  [19]   The Concept of Kapwa The concept of kapwa in Filipinos is an important aspect of Filipino social life. Kapwa is reflected because interaction among other individuals especially in the Philippines is an essential aspect of social life. Language reveals a lot about Filipino nature. For this reason, social interaction should be an evocative core of analysis in the process of classifying the concept of kapwa. The Filipino language in this notch, gives a conceptual division in several levels and modes of social interaction. Santiago and Enriquez identified eight in Filipino. 100The Levels of Interaction Interaction of Filipinos were categorized into levels namely pakikitungo (transaction/civility with), pakikisalamuha (inter-action with), pakikilahok (joining/participating), pakikibagay (in- conformity with/ in- accord with), pakikisama (being along with), pakikipagpalagayan/pakikipagmalagayang-loob (being in rapport), pakikisangkot (getting involved) and pakikiisa (being one with).  [20]   The concept of Kapwa as a shared inner self turns out to be very essential psychologically and philosophically speaking. While pagtutunguhan (dealing with/acting toward) is another term which can be used to refer to all levels of interaction. Besides, pagtutunguhan also connotes the most superficial level of interaction: the level of amenities while pakikipagkapwa refers to humanness at its highest level  [21]   On the other hand aside from the concept of kapwa According to Russell, In 1922 there were several explanations in essay forms about the high Filipino Self Concept. One of the most ordinary is it being the character of race as Filipinos got from the Malays. In 1965 Fox said that this is a trait of Filipino culture that is paid to be in the social context because of its fortitude to produce close family ties. .  [22]   The Concept of Human Interaction The concept of Human Interaction includes the distinction between (Pakikisama or Pakikipagkapwa?) It is an essential part because it is very consistent in Filipinos. Aside from the good sides of interaction, previous work on Philippine values pointed our three evil characters in Philippine interpersonal relations. These are the walang pakisama (one inept at the level of adjustment); the walang hiya, (one who lacks a sense of propriety and the walang utang na loob, (one who lacks adeptness in reciprocating by way of gratitude. 110 11 In a deeper analysis some studies were conducted, It was argued that pakikipagkapwa is more important for Filipinos. In the Philippines we usually gave more importance to pakikipagkapwa than pakikisama. We probably want a person without pakikisama than a person without kapwa tao. Pakikipagkapwa is really important.It includes all the other mentioned modes and levels of interaction. In fact pakikisalamuha is even closer than pakikisama in meaning to pakikipagkapwa.  [23]   Application of Filipino Social Psychology Filipino Culture The Social, Cultural and Ideational dimensions are diverse into aspects which were exhibited by Filipinos. The study of the customs and beliefs of Filipinos serves as a function of social and economic dimension of Filipino culture. The Philippine culture is such very rich. It was very evident in the following ways. In courtship and marriage most of the Filipinos regard this as a process of love as a parental affair. The marriage is the family affair which is measured as a success based on the number of children. Filipinos also believe in Babaylans and Catalonan which were said to posses supernatural powers to supplicate God. They were also fond of charms and they believe that when they perform their rites particularly on the Good Friday they will gain magical powers like anting-anting, lucky cards, stones and other stuffs. As a part of their social life they celebrate feasts to commemorate important events like Fiestas, Holy Week, New Year, Christmas and etc. It really played an ess ential role in the economic security and social solidarity of Filipinos. They are also known for their superstitious beliefs which are greatly connected to their rituals and ceremonies. In connection to supernatural beings they follow these beliefs to avoid bad luck. It was seen in birth, illness and death which control the psyche of Filipinos. In religion when Christianity was introduced by Spaniards, it became a driving force to the life of the Filipinos. They were also thoughtful especially when someone is sick and in need. They are afraid of what other people might say. Some of their practices include giving dowry, carrying of guns, choice of padrino and carrying bow and arrows, sibat and kris. During the time of our ethnic groups laws were also made with regards to property ownership an settling arguments.  [24]   12 Filipino Family The study of Filipino Family is valuable because they value family relationship. They have this behavior of close family ties. In an article written by Carlos P. Romulo entitled What Filipinos have Done and are Doing to the Family, The family will remain and prevail in spite of world cynicism and anxiety. The tradition must be preserved even in these modern times. He pointed out that this is one of the many serious challenges our society must face today. The people must also focus on improving and giving concern with our family life. It deserves the same amount of concern just like other sciences. The study of Phenomenology of the Filipino Family states that In Philippine society, the family is the dominating influence with its value of socio-economic security. This value leads to an individualistic attitude towards ones family which is manifested in doubt of hope, lack of commitment or lack of social awareness. The Future of Philippine Culture The future of Philippine culture is still questionable. The Philippine culture is still standing despite some changes imposed and caused by colonizers. Is there a Filipino Psychology? Due to reason of great confusion of racial heritages, Filipino nation is full of differences and intertwined particular observances, creeds and traditions dominant in native groups. The making of a credible treatise on Filipino Psychology will require lots of analytic research. Any scholar who will try must sort out individual as well as social traits. Particularly, the native, dominantly native but colored by foreign influences and dominantly foreign adapted traits. It is not yet finished because the source and influence must be differentiated.  [25]   13Marginalization of Filipino Identity The hiding and denigrating of Filipino identity and values was sarcastically introduced by thanking Gov. Claveria who was the one who imposed in giving Filipinos surnames. In such a way the personality of Filipino was concealed in his very name. Felipe de Leon examined the way Filipino names describe the people and how names can hide Filipino identity. The disparagement of Filipino personality is continued and taught in schools reinforced by media. Remember the legend of Juan Tamad, the concept of Filipino time, Manna habit, to talangka /crab mentality and even innate criminality and distortion of Filipino squatters, barkadas, stupid yayas, maids and drivers. The Americans assumed that Filipinos were ethically mediocre and they should be educated in an American way because of their indolence.  [26]   Marginalization of Filipino Literature Marginalization of Filipino Literature was realized because of the concept that Filipinos did not have a body of literature which is not true. Filipinos might really be fortunate if they can escape the disparaging remark that Filipinos do not have an indigenous body of literature. The mere fact is that Filipinos have it. Similarly, they have written literature and unwritten oral tradition. Filipinos also enjoy not published outputs, but no less real and valid. A sense of psychological tradition apart from a published psychological literature. 14Marginalization of Filipino Theatre and Film Marginalization of Filipino Theatre and Film is done by being refused as the world second big producer of film. The success of Filipino cinema and its influence on Philippine life and culture are grossly underestimated. The colonial responsiveness of the elite refuses to recognize the Philippines as the worlds second big producer of films. They cannot detain how a Tagalog movie can hold its own even against the most known popular grossed movies from Hollywood. They tremble in disbelief when confronted with the box office record of the original and authentic Rambo in person of Fernando Poe Jr.  [27]   The generalization goes like this. We as Filipinos are thus faced with the questions about the mystery of our identity but through the study of Filipino Social Psychology we can unravel those. The study as a summary proves one thing and only one thing and that is the fact that even before, Filipinos have a rich culture and tradition. We have own knowledge and system but during the time of the colonizers they blot out all the memories of our cherished identity. Nowadays, the Filipino concepts of Language, Kapwa and Human Interaction can be used as a means to improve better human relationship. The Application of Filipino Social Psychology is truly a reflection of what we are right now as Filipinos. It can be seen in the Social, Ideal and Cultural dimensions that we Filipinos are actually creating and improving from our history up to the contemporary period. The Filipino identity is marginalized but as long as we have this study to guide us it will 15 always make a point about Filipinos way of life that will lineate our past to our present and even to our future. This study can be a means in forging development. Development is not just concerned about progress. The logic must be it is about the Filipino people and for the Filipino people. Through, the help of this study we will become aware of the nature and causes of our attitude and behavior. The problems that our country is currently facing can be solved purely by different ways but it requires shift in human behavior. Therefore, we must inculcate positive Filipino traits and values perhaps change the negative ones. In the end, it is not only us who will outlive the legacy of Filipino Social Psychology but even our children of tomorrow. Changes may occur but it will always remind us of who, what, when and where we are today as Filipinos.

Masculinity in the Philippines Essay

In the imperial age, the military shaped society to suit its peculiar needs. Modem armies are complex, costly institutions that must ramify widely to mobilize the vast human and material resources their operations require. Since the armed forces demand the absolute obedience and, at times, the lives of ordinary males, the state often forms, or reforms, society’s culture and ideology to make military service a moral imperative. In the cultural encounter that was empire, colonial armies proved as surprisingly potent agents of social change, introducing a major Western institution, with imbedded values, in a forceful, almost irresistible, manner. As powerful, intrusive institutions, modem armies transformed cultures and shaped gender identities, fostering rhetoric and imagery whose influence has persisted long after colonial rule. Above all, these armies, colonial and national, propagated a culture, nay a cult of masculinity. Recent historical research has explored the ways that rising European states reconstructed gender roles to support military mobilization. To prepare males for military  service, European nations constructed a stereotype of men as courageous and women as affirming, worthy prizes of manly males. In its genius, the modem state-through its powerful propaganda tools of education, literature, and media-appropriated the near-universal folk ritual of male initiation to make military service synonymous with the passage to manhood. Not only did mass conscription produce soldiers, it also shaped gender roles in the whole of society. Modern warfare, as it developed in Europe, was the mother of a new masculinity propagated globally in an age of empire through colonial armies, boys’ schools, and youth movements. As a colony of Spain and America, the Philippines felt these global cultural currents and provides an apt terrain for exploration of this  militarized masculinity. Like the other colonial states of Asia and Africa, both powers controlled their Philippine colony with native troops led by European officers, an implicit denigration of the manliness of elite Filipino males. For the all-male electorate of the American era, Filipino nationahm thus came to mean not only independence but, of equal importance, liberation from colonial emasculation. Over time, a cultural dialectic of the colonial and national produced a synthesis with symbolism and social roles marked by an extreme gender dimorphism. When Filipino leaders finally began building a national army in the 1930s, they borrowed the European standard of military masculinity with all its inbuilt biases. By exempting women from conscription and barring them from officer’s training at the Philippine Military Academy, the Commonwealth exaggerated the society’s male/female polarities. Once set in 1936, these military regulations and their social influence would prove surprisingly persistent and pervasive. It would be nearly thirty years until the armed forces recruited their first women soldiers in 1963; and another thirty years after that before the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) admitted its first female cadets in 1993 (Hilsdon 1995, 48, 51, 89; Duque 1981, vii). If we accept what one historian has called â€Å"the emancipated status of Filipino women in the 19th century,† then the prewar nationalist movement, with its rhetoric of militarism and male empowerment, may have skewed the gender balance within the Philippine  polity. In a Malay society with a legacy of gender equality-bilateral kinship, matrilocal marriage, and gender-neutral pronouns-this aspect of nationalism seems socially retrogressive.’ Understandably, postwar historians have overlooked this glorification of masculinity and military valor in their sympathetic studies of prewar Filipino nationalism. Nonetheless, mass conscription shaped gender roles in the first half of the 20th century and fostered a rhetoric that pervaded Philippine politics in its second half. In deploying Europe’s cult of masculinity to support mass conscription, the Commonwealth introduced a new element into the country’s political culture. Indeed, this engendered social order-propagated through conscription, education, and mass media-fostered imagery that would shape Philippine politics at key transitional moments in the latter decades of the 20th century. For well over half the fifty plus years since independence, the Philippines has been ruled by presidents who won office with claims of martial valor and then governed in a military manner. COMMONWEALTH A N D MASCULINITY The Philippine acceptance of this Euro-American model of masculinity provides strong evidence of the paradigm’s power. The successful imposition of this Westernized masculinity, with its extreme gender dimorphism, upon a Malay society with a long history of more balanced roles, makes the Philippines a revealing instance of this global process. Within twenty years, the span of a single generation, mobilization and its propaganda, convinced a people without a tradition of military service to accept conscription and internalize a new standard 1 of manhood. When tested in battle during World War 1, the generation of Filipino officers formed in this mobilization proved willing to fight and die with exceptional courage. Models of Masculinity During the two decades of this extraordinary social experiment, prewar Philippine institutions used two complementary cultural devices to indoctrinate the young into a new gender identity: a mass propaganda of gender dimorphism and a militarized form of male initiation. Among the many schools that participated in this experiment, t w v t h e University of the  Philippines (UP) and, a decade later, the Philippine Military Academy (PMA)-would play a central role as cultural mediators in constructing this new national standard for manhood. To translate a foreign masculine form into a Filipino cultural idiom, the cadet corps at UP and the PMA appropriated local traditions of male initiation, using them as a powerfully effective indoctrination into modem military service. Scholars of the Philippine military have often noted how the ordeal of the first or â€Å"plebe† year serves to bind the PMA’s graduates into a class or â€Å"batch with an extraordinary solidarity. The half-dozen doctoral dissertations on the Philippine military argue, in the words of a Chicago psychologist who observed the PMA in the mid-1960~~ that cadets form â€Å"lifetime bonds. . . in the crucible of the hazing pro~ess.†~ What is the meaning of this ritual with its extreme violence? Hazing, seemingly a small issue, has embedded within it larger problems of masculinity central to armies everywhere. In fieldwork around the world, anthropologists have discovered the near universality of male i n i t i a t i ~ nAround the globe and across time, many societies view .~ manhood as something that must be earned and thus create rituals to  test and train their adolescent males. Observing these rituals in the remote Highlands of Papua-New Guinea, anthropologist Roger Keesing offers a single, succinct explanation for the prevalence of harsh male initiation: warfare (Keesing 1982,32-34; Herdt 1982,5741). Similarly, at the m a r p s of the modem Philippine state, young men have long been initiated into manhood through ritual testing of their martial valor. In the 20th century, Muslim groups in the south have formed all-male â€Å"minimal alliance groups† to engage in ritualized warfare, while the Ilongot highlanders of northern Luzon require boys to pass â€Å"severe tests of manhood† by taking â€Å"at least one head† in combat (Kiefer 1972; Rosaldo 1980, 13940). From an anthropological perspective, hazing becomes the central rite in a passage from boyhood to manhood, civilian to soldier. Filipino plebe and New Guinea adolescent pass through similar initiations to emerge as warriors hardened for battle and bound together for defense of the ir communities (Gennep 1960, vii, 11). Recent historical research has explored the ways that rising European states reconstructed gender roles to support mobilization of modern armies. By marrying anthropologists’ universals to the historian’s time-bounded specifics, we can see how European nation-states, by making military service an initiation ritual, primed their males for mass slaughter on the modem battlefield. After Britain’s dismal performance in the Crimean War of the 1850s, headmasters at its elite â€Å"public schools† began hardening boys for future command through sports. Indeed, Harrow’s head proclaimed that â€Å"the esprit de corps, which merit success in cricket or football, are the very qualities which win the day in . . . war.† A half-century later in South Africa, British troops faced difficulties subduing Boer farmers, raising questions about the military â€Å"fitness† of ordinary Englishmen. Responding to this perceived crisis, Lord Baden-Powell organized the Boy Scouts in 1908 â€Å"to pass as many boys through our character factory as we possibly can (Mangan 1987, 150-53; 1981,2241; 1986, 33-36; Rosenthal 1986, 1-6). In his study of the cult of war in nineteenth-century Europe, historian George Mosse asks: â€Å"Why did young men in great numbers rush to the colors, eager to face death and acquit themselves in battle?† Simply put, they volunteered because the modern nation-state, through its poets and propagandists, made the passage to manhood synonymous with military service. To become a man in Victoria’s England or Bismarck’s Germany, a young male had to serve. In the first months of World War I, this cult of war achieved a virtual florescence  as young idealists hurled themselves into the slaughter. After 145,000 German soldiers died at Langemarck in 1914, one poet wrote: â€Å"Here I stand, proud and all alone, ecstatic that I have become a man.† Recalling this battle in Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler said: â€Å"Seventeen year old boys now looked like men.† Similarly, during World War 11, U.S. Army researchers found that American soldiers fought hard to avoid â€Å"being branded a ‘woman,’ a dangerous threat to the contemporary male personality† (Mosse 1990, 15, 72; Stouffer, et al. 1949, 131-32). Not only did mass conscription produce soldiers, it also shaped gender roles in the wider society. To prepare every male for military service, European nations constructed a stereotype of men as  courageous, honorable, and physically formed on â€Å"borrowed Greek standards of male beauty.† By the 1920s, w omen were, through this century-long process, â€Å"transformed into static immutable symbols in order to command the attention of truly masculine men.’I4 Rhetoric of Colonial Masculinity Although the American colonial regime eventually played a central role in the formation of a Filipino officer corps, the US Army was initially hostile to the idea. During its first decade in the islands, the US Army was absorbed in a massive counterinsurgency campaign, and, like colonial armies elsewhere, denigrated the masculinity of its subject society. In little more than two years after their landing in 1898, the U.S. Army learned the same colonial lessons that the British and Dutch had distilled from two centuries of using â€Å"native troops† in India and Indonesia. Asian soldiers were, from an imperial point of view, welladapted to withstand the rigors of service in their own country. But only a European had the character required of an officer. As the editor of England’s Statesman wrote in 1885, educated Indians were â€Å"wanting in the courageous and manly behavior to which we justly attach so high an importance in the culture of our own youth.† Colonials often found dominant lowland groups both â€Å"effeminate† and insubordinate. But certain â€Å"martial racesn-such as the Gurkhas, Ambonese, or Karens-were thought capable of great courage under fire and fierce loyalty to their white officers5 In effect, there was an imperial consensus that certain native troops, when drilled and disciplined by European officers of good character, made ideal colonial forces. From the outset, the American commander in the islands, General Elwell S. Otis, felt, like most Americans of his day, that elite Filipinos were unfit for command. In an essay for a U.S. military journal in 1900, one American officer dismissed the typical officer in General Emilio Aguinaldo’s revolutionary army as â€Å"a half-breed, a small dealer, a hanger-on of the Spaniards.† Thus, when the US Army formed its colonial forces, the Philippine Scouts, the soldiers would all be Filipinos, but their officers  were to be white Americans selected from â€Å"the line of the Regular Army† (Woolard 1975, 13, 225; Franklin 1935). In sum, America’s high colonial rhetoric celebrated the special bond between American officers and their Filipino troops, and, by implication, denigrated elite Filipino character and capacity for command. Writing from retirement at the end of the US rule, one American veteran, Constabulary Captain Harold H. Elarth, offered a succinct version of this rhetoric. â€Å"By fair dealing, unusual sagacity and confirmed courage,† young American officers, â€Å"pacified and controlled tribes that for 300 years had continuously warred with the Spaniards.† This success, he explained, came from â€Å"the psychology of the Malay† which inspired Filipino soldiers to follow their American lieutenants with â€Å"adoration† (Hurley 1938, 298-99; Elarth 1949, 14-15). Nationalist Response In the early years of American rule, Filipino nationalists rejected this emasculating colonial rhetoric and made the training of native officers a central plank in their campaign for independence. By demanding officer training, the all-male nationalist movement challenged colonial assumptions that native men were, by racial character, unsuited for command. In the political rhetoric of the day, military drill would advance the nationalist cause by training officers for a future army and hardening the fiber of the country’s youth. To assert their manhood, nationalist leaders seized upon any pretext for military drill, even service under the colonial flag. Only a few years after the Philippine-American War, certain colonials and nationalists began to cooperate in building a Filipino officer corps. In 1907, the fledgling Constabulary School at Manila graduated its first Filipino officers from a short, three-month training course and then moved to permanent quarters in the mountain city of  Baguio for a more rigorous six-month curriculum. A year later, the U.S. Congress authorized the admission of Filipinos to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. In 1914, the h s t Filipino cadet, Vicente P. Lim, graduated with an academic rank of seventy-seven among 107 cadets-an event of such  significance that the Philippine Resident Commissioner, Manuel Quezon, made a special trip from Washington, DC.6 When America entered World War I, the Philippine Legislature voted overwhelmingly to raise a Philippine National Guard division and Senate President Quezon crossed the Pacific to lobby personally for Washington’s authorization. Even the War Department’s determined effort to block its mobilization until 11 November 1918, the very last day of war, could not dampen the Filipino enthusiasm for military service. Over 28,000 men volunteered. With bands playing and banners flying, the Philippine National Guard drilled for three months until it was disbanded in February 1919 (Woolard 1975, 170-84, 196). During the 1920s, the American colonial regime, in fundamental change of policy, began training Filipinos for command. After taking office as governor-general in 1921, General Leonard Wood, a career officer, mobilized the resources of the US Army to open officer training programs (Hayden 1955, 734-35). To train a first generation of Filipino officers, the US Army loaned instructors, rifles, and bayonets to the newly-formed military science departments at Manila’s colleges and universities. Along with the weapons, these programs also borrowed an American model of the military male. Though the program spread to many schools, the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) at the University of the Philippines (UP) remained, for over a decade, the largest and most influential. UP Cadet Corps Drill began at UP in 1922 when its Regents funded a Department of Military Science and Tactics, retained an active-duty U.S. Army captain as its chairman, and authorized an armory. Five years later, UP President Rafael Palma, a prominent nationalist, praised the Department for establishing â€Å"the nucleus of a future national military organization† (Panis 1925, 14-15; Palma 1924; Peiia 1953, 1-2). As Palma predicted, the ROTC program grew rapidly, adding field artillery in 1929 and machine guns six years later. After passage of the National Defense Act in 1935, the university acquired another 2,000 Springfield rifles and doubled its cadet corps to 3,304 trainee officers by 1938. Beyond drill and marksmanship, the program indoctrinated its cadets into nationalism. â€Å"We need to make . . . our youth . . . so proud of their race and their democracy that they will die fighting for it,† President Quezon told the UP cadets in 1937. â€Å"We have all been trained,† wrote the Corps’ cadet colonel a year later, â€Å"with patriotism ever so carefully engraved in our hearts by our military instructors, we are proud to say, as they would have us say, w e are ready.07 Other Manila universities followed these leads. While the publiclyfunded UP had the largest cadet program, the elite, Jesuit-run Ateneo de Manila was proud home to the country’s top drill corps. The 1923 Manila Carnival featured a drill competition by cadets from San Beda, the National University, and, of course, Ateneo and the UP. Along with basketball and baseball, close-order drill contests would remain a high point of inter-collegiate competition until the war. These parades, featuring what one UP cadet called â€Å"thousands of virile young blood[s]†¦rifles on their shoulders, gallantly marching to the time of their music,† drew large crowds and sparked school ~ p i r i t . ~ By the early 1930s, a decade of reserve-officer training had encouraged an ideal of military masculinity among cadets at Manila’s universities. At the UP, trainee officers articulated an ideology that equated masculine strength with national defense. â€Å"A nation stands or falls, succeeds or fails, just in proportion to the . . . manliness of each succeeding generation,† wrote a cadet in the 1931 yearbook (Viardo 1931, 381). Cadet sergeant Fred Ruiz Castro, a future Supreme Court chief justice, explained that military training helps â€Å"engender the proper citizenshipu-notably â€Å"courtesy to all especially to the old and to the weaker sex.† In the 1935 UP yearbook, Castro and his comrade Macario Peralta, Jr., a future defense secretary, co-authored an essay arguing that drill molded the masculine virtues necessary to build the nation: â€Å"From the Corps, graduate men steeped in patriotism . . . men who know their duties both to country and to God . . . men who are sound thinkers, strong hearted †¦These are the men the country needs to cope with new problems† (Castro and Peralta, Jr. 1935, 345). Reinforcing this gender dimorphism, UP’S all-male cadet companies barred women from drill but recruited them as â€Å"sponsors† to appear in formal, frilly gowns at full-dress parades. Illustrative of this imbalance, in the  late 1920s one of these sponsors gave the Corps a â€Å"colorful oration† titled â€Å"The Woman Behind the Man Behind the Gun† (Castro 1932; 355; Quirino 1930, 427). By 1936, the UP cadets had expanded their Corps of Sponsors to  forty coeds such as Miss Eva Estr ada, the muse of the Second Artillery Battalion and a future senator. On National Heroes Day, the UP cadets staged a mock battle in the city’s main park, the Luneta. â€Å"Planes sweep down from the clouds to drop their deadly bombs,† wrote the college yearbook, â€Å"men shoot, advance, fall . . . beneath the smoke the unseen drama of war with its horrors and victories.† As male cadets littered Luneta’s smoking battlefield, â€Å"the Nurses’ Corps recruited from the ranks of the Sponsors rush to the field to give aid to the wounded and the dying.† Among these all-male cadets, appeal to women, the defining opposite within this dimorphism, was deemed an essential attribute of future military leadership. â€Å"The girls go for him in a big way (very big way),† said the 1937 UP yearbook of cadet Major Ferdinand Marcos, â€Å"so much so that most of the time he has to put up the sign ‘Standing Room Only.’ Claims his heart is impregnable to feminine allure, and insists on calling guys who fall in love inebriated weaklings.† Marcos himself internalized this gendered duality to write, after the war, of sacrificing his manhood to defend a feminized nation he calls Filipinas. â€Å"We cursed ourselves . . . for having given up our arms and with them our manhood. . .,† Marcos wrote of their wartime surrender to Japan on Bataan. â€Å"Filipinas had welcomed us in spite of the disgrace of our defeat in Bataan. But it seemed that although she had smiled at us through her tears, she would not bind up our wound^.†^ Harsh male initiation also became part of officer training at UP. Cadet Sergeant Macario Peralta, Jr., the future defense secretary, noted in the 1932 yearbook that the Corps had faced difficulties in â€Å"breaking in the new cadets,† but made sure that troublesome plebes â€Å"receive sundry other polite attentions† (Peralta 1932, 358). Peralta’s yearbook biography, published two years later when he was cadet colonel, revealed the meaning of this euphemism. â€Å"O ne year after the Colonel sprouted in the University campus, he commenced hazing the plebes and beasts with unrelenting inhumanity. He is  still at it† (Philippinensian1934, 396). Commonwealth Army In 1935, national defense suddenly became the most critical issue facing the Fhpino people. In Washgton, President Franklin Roosevelt approved the creation of the Philippine Commonwealth as an autonomous, transitional government with a ten-year timetable to full inde-  pendence. Under the National Defense Act, President Quezon made mobilization his top priority and committed a quarter of the budget to building a national army that would, by independence in 1945, have 10,000 regular soldiers backed by reserves of 400,000. In April 1936, some 150,000 Filipino men registered for the country’s first draft and, nine months later, 40,000 reported for training. Within three years, over a million schoolboys were marching.I0 From its foundation in 1935, the Commonwealth, through military mobilization, intensified this process of gender reconstruction-encouraging a reinforcing array of national symbols, militarized masculinity, and domestic roles. With only a decade to prepare for independence and the burden of defense, the Commonwealth tried to fashion a masculinity that would sustain mass conscription. As it mobilized in the 1930s, the Philippines imported a Euro-American form of manhood along with the howitzer and the pursuit plane. To build popular support for a citizens’ army, the neophyte Philippine state deployed a gendered propaganda with men strong, women weak; men the defenders, women the defended. Just as the new nation was personified as the feminine â€Å"Filipinas† in currency and propaganda, so young men were conscripted to defend her and her defenseless womankind. The government, in this transition to independence, slullfully manipulated public rituals and symbols to make a polarized gender dimorphism central to a new national self-image. We do not have to read against the grain to tease gender out of the Philippine Army, as if from some recondite cultural text. The key actors+ezon, Army Headquarters, and the cadets themselves-were quite self-conscious in their use of such imagery. The impact of militarization upon gender roles was most evident at the Manila Carnival-a grand, pre-war festival celebrating the fecundity of the land and the glories of its people. Like other pre-Lenten festivals across the Hispanic world, Carnival was a mix of the serious and frivolous, of celebration and reflection. Located at the heart of Manila, the sprawling Carnival enclosure held elaborate displays of provincial products such as rope or coconut. The two-week whirl of spectacle, society, and sport culminated in the crowning of the queen and her court at an elaborate formal ball. With the Philippines on parade, elite actors gained a stage to project images of nation and society before a mass audience. Before conscription, the queen’s coronation had been a lavish, highsociety affair-with eligible bachelors as escorts, whimsical Roman or  Egyptian themes, and matching costumes for court and consorts. Since the city’s elites selected the carnival queen by jury or press ballots, winners were women of wealth, prestige, and intellect. At the 1922 Carnival, for example, Queen Virginia Llamas was escorted by her future husband Carlos P. Rom ulo, later president of the UN General Assembly. The queen’s consort at the 1923 Carnival was Eugenio Lopez, later the county’s most powerful entrepreneur, just as 1931 queen was Maria Kalaw, the future Philippine senator and UN delegate (Nuyda 1980, 1920, 1922,1931). With the launching of the Commonwealth’s army only months away, the 1935 Carnival saw revelry and whimsy giving way to military symbolism and a serious debate about gender roles. To accornmodate its greatly expanded display, the US Army occupied â€Å"an entire section of the Manila Carnival Grounds† for 400 linear feet of military exhibits and a replica of a World War I trench warfare complex (Tribune, 3,9 February 1935). The cadets of Manila’s universities were honored with a large military parade, treated to guided tours of the military exhibit, and featured as the queen’s escorts. In this martial spirit, gender was on the march. At her coronation ceremony, the Constabulary band played a march while Queen Conchita I-walked between â€Å"two files of University of the Philippines cadets with drawn sabers† to a throne where the US Governor General placed a crown of diamonds on her head and the â€Å"admiring throng applauds† (Tribune, 16, 21, 22 February 1935). On their night in this Carnival Auditorium, Far Eastern University students staged a  spectacular revue called â€Å"Daughters of Bathala,† with males forming an outer, protective circle while women in gowns whirled about in a â€Å"grand finale . . . symbolizing the types of modern Filipino women from the suffragettes and debutantes to the thrill-girls of the cabarets and the boulevards† (Tribune, 3 March 1945). Instead of the usual frivolous rhetoric about feminine beauty, the 1935 Carnival launched a national debate on women’s rights. Speaking before the convention of the Federation of Women’s Clubs, Senate President Quezon announced that the Constitutional Convention had just approved compulsory military service. He urged the nation’s women to assume â€Å"the duty to mould the character of . . . youth that we may build up here a citizenry of virile manhood capable of shouldering the burdens of our future independent existence.† And how was such a radical social reconstruction to be accomplished? Men would be called away for â€Å"training in patriotism,† but women,  Quezon said, should stay home to â€Å"bring up upstanding, courageous and patriotic youngsters.† Instead of being lulled by the â€Å"sentimental glow† of his oratory, the Federation’s president, Mrs. Pilar H. Lim, the wife of General Vicente Lim (USMA ’14), co nfronted Quezon, demanding that he redress â€Å"the injustice done . . . through the failure of the constitutional convention to insert a provision . . . granting the women . . . the right to vote.† Quezon assured Mrs. Lim that he has â€Å"always been in favor of granting this right to women.† Indeed, two years later, under his presidency and through Mrs. Lim’s leadership, a plebiscite on women’s suffrage passed by an overwhelming margin.† Over the next three years as mobilization intensified, each carnival accentuated the military symbolism and its supporting gender dimorphism. When President Quezon opened the towering gateway to the 1936 Carnival city, a full battalion of Philippine Army troops formed an honor guard while he â€Å"severed† the ribbons with a specially-made native sword. In its Carnival coverage, the Sunday Tribune Magazine juxtaposed photo-essays of the military review (â€Å"the steel helmets of the U.P. cadets glaring in the afternoon sun†) and the 1936 Fashion Revue (â€Å"models resplendent in shining silver and satin.†) For their night at the Carnival, the UP students  presented a richly engendered historical pageant, written by Dr. Carlos P. Romulo, featuring a cast of one thousand students (â€Å"including seven hundred girls†) and starring a woman student as â€Å"Filipinas,† the feminized symbol of the nation (Tribune, 15 February, 1 March 1936). Theme: After the establishment of the Republic, the nation will meet with difficulties and dangers, but it will overcome them all and thereby become stronger . . . Book of Time Revealed. Spirit of History ascends the stage from stage right and writes â€Å"Commonwealth.† 111. Trumpets. Filipinas enters from stage left followed by people, including agencies, soldiers, dancers . . . IV. Spirit of Prophecy ascends from stage left . . . and . . . writes â€Å"Republic.† V. People cheer, bells ring, salute of guns . . . VIII. Invasion-all to arms. Battle. XI. Mourning dance. Filipina rises from the center of the floor, flag over her. National hymn is sung by all. I. 11. Despite such military inroads, the coronation of Queen Mercedes I featured the usual â€Å"fantasy numbers† such as â€Å"Parisian Lace† and the â€Å"exotic South Sea Wastes.† Her escorts were still society bachelors in white-tie and tails. A year later, the military symbolism was triumphant. At the 1937 Carnival, the queen’s escorts were now uniformed ROTC cadets. The queen now became â€Å"Miss Philippines† and her coronation, as its libretto indicates, was a martial drama of male soldiers rising to her defense as the engendered symbol of the nation. Scene I Triumphal entrance of the Army of Miss Philippines, sovereign of our cultural and economic progress, composed of officers and soldiers who will stage a military exhibition. Scene I1 Entrance of the Drum and Bugle Corps which will go through some military evolutions. Scene 1 1 1 The Drum and Bugle Corps will announce the arrival of Miss Philippines and her Court of Honor . . . Miss Philippines will be preceded by a group of pages carrying the crown and other presents, and another group of pages carrying her train . . . Scene IV The Drum and Bugle Corps announces that all is ready for the coronation of Miss Philippines. Scene V Ceremonies of the coronation of Miss  Philippines, placing of the crown by His Honor, The Mayor of Manila . . . Scene VI Gun salute to Miss Philippines by her Army. Entrance of Foreign Envoys-Royal offering, etc. Scene VII Military evolutions by the Army of Miss Philippines and the Drum and Bugle Corps. Beyond the ballroom, the Carnival’s sporting contests and the ROTC drill competitions proliferated in celebration of a physical, martial masculinity. Before a crowd of 40,000, for example, the Schools Parade featured girls in gowns riding on flower-covered floats while high school boys stepped past in â€Å"uniforms and snappy marching [that] thrilled the watching t h o ~ s a n d s . † ~ ~ By the 1938 Carnival, the military parade had been transformed from a procession of students in their toy-soldier uniforms into an awesome spectacle of military might. With thousands of spectators packed along the boulevards, armed columns of Philippine Army, Philippine Scouts, and college cadets tramped past the Legislative Building as tight formations of bombers and pursuit planes â€Å"roared overhead† (Tribune, 15, 16 February 1938). After its establishment in 1936, the Philippine Army deployed a similar dualism to build support for conscription among a people without a tradition of military service. As the date for draft registration approached, the Commonwealth plastered public spaces with recruiting posters. One depicted a statuesque Filipina, neckline cut low and bare arms outstretched for the embrace, calling on â€Å"Young Men† to â€Å"Heed Your Country’s Call!† Another asked, â€Å"Which Would You Rather Be . . . this or that?†-and then showed a snappy soldier smiling at two admiring women while a civilian male skulks in the rear, hands in pockets-a universal sipifier.I4 Then, at 8:30 A.M. on 15 May 1936, each provincial governor supervised an elaborate ritual to select the first conscripts for basic training. Before the public, the governor, flanked by military guards, placed the registration cards for all twenty-year old men in two large jars. â€Å"Two young ladies, not over eighteen years of age, shall . . . make the drawing,† read the Philippine Army regulations. â€Å"These young ladies shall be blind-folded and shall wear  dresses with short sleeves-not reaching beyond elbow† (Commonwealth, Bulletin No. 17; Meixsel 1993, 301). So strong was the appeal of military training that four of the country’s leading legislators, including presidential aspirant Manuel Roxas, volunteered for the first Reserve Officers’ Service School (ROSS) in mid-1936. In this commencement address to this class in September, President Quezon explained that officers were to serve as the nation’s models for patriotism and new, virile form of citizenry (The Bayonet 1936, 94, 98). The good officer. . . , wherever he is, . . . spreads the doctrine of loyalty, of respect for law and order, of patriotism, of self-discipline and education, and of national preparation to defend our country. . . . Our whole nation will become more firmly solidified, more virile, more unselfishly devoted to promotion of the general welfare, as our officer corps grows in quality and strength, and the results of its efforts permeate to the remotest hamlet of our country. Philippine Military Academy Forming such an officer corps was the most difficult part of this mobilization. As Quezon put it, â€Å"the heart of an army is its officers.† Along with buying rifles and building camps, the creation of this army required, as the president was well aware, the construction of officers as exemplars for a new image of the Filipino as warrior. To form such leaders, the Defense Act provided for the establishment of a Philippine Military Academy at Baguio for the education of career officers. This academy was, in the words of the Commonwealth’s vice-president, â€Å"the foundation stone of the entire military establishment,† providing â€Å"the leadership necessary to knit together a scattered and loosely connected citizen army into one whole, living, pulsating, homogenous machine that can fight with courage† (Scribe 50; Osmefia 7-8, 10). In establishing his new academy, Quezon, through his military advisers Douglas MacArthur and Dwight Eisenhower, chose the US Military Academy at West Point as its model. Transporting the West Point system, with all of its peculiarities, from the bluffs of the Hudson to the mountains of Baguio entailed cultural adaptation. From the perspective of the PMA staff, the new academy would socialize the cadets through its formal  curriculum and a four-year progression from neophyte to command. To succeed, however, these formal processes rested upon rituals and symbols that would make the academy’s abstractions meaningful to teen-aged Filipinos. Drawing upon the country’s culture of masculinity, cadets used rituals of male initiation and group solidarity to reinforce the PMA’s institutional imperatives. Through a fusion of the West Point curriculum, faithfully reproduced by the PMA’s staff, and informal innovations by these Filipino cadets, an American academy became a viable model for a Philippine institution (Love11 1955, 316-21; Wamsley 1972, 399-41 7). To ensure that its cadets would be archetypes of masculine beauty, the academy barred applicants with â€Å"any deformity which is repulsive† or any who suffered from â€Å"extreme ugliness.† Medical examiners had to insure, moreover, that an applicant’s face was free from any â€Å"lack of symmetrical development† or â€Å"unsightly deformities such as large birthmarks, large hairy moles, . . . mutilations due to injuries or surgical operation† (Commonwealth of the Philippines 1937). To mould these exemplary males, the PMA became a total institution that would, like West Point, leave a lasting imprint upon every  graduate (Janowitz 138; Goffman 1961). The PMA’s 1938 yearbook thus described the Tactical Department and its drill instructors as â€Å"a veritable forging shop in which the raw and crude materials are . . . purified of their undesirable qualities.† In their song P.M.A. Forever, cadets celebrated their academy’s capacity to make men (Sword 1938, 46-48, 104). Within the walls of old and glorious P.M.A. They’re molded to the real men that they should beMen who can face the bitter realities of life With courage even in the midst of bloody strife. As centerpiece in the nation’s gender reconstruction, the PMA indoctrinated its Filipino cadets into a Euro-American ideal of military manhood. With its alien curriculum, the PMA, more than any Philippine institution of its era, aspired to a cultural transformation, a remalung of its cadets on a European model of mascuhity. The academy made its imprint through a program of moral formation through body movement, incessant supervision, and formal in doctrination. In its own words, the PMA taught â€Å"soldierly movements to inculcate prompt obedience† in  daily marching; â€Å"knowledge of ballroom ethics† with weekly waltz lessons; and â€Å"self-reliance, poise, initiative, judgment, enthusiasm, and discipline† in gymnastics (Commonwealth 1938,1619). Filipino cadets reshaped imported values through their own culture of masculinity, malung hazing the PMA’s central rite of passage-from civilian to soldier, from plebe to cadet. Entering plebes arrived at the academy from communities with their own rituals of male initiation and expectations for manhood (Rosaldo 1980, 35-37). In many lowland villages of the 1930s, adolescent males passed through an initiation, such as circumcision, and had elaborate codes for masculine friendship epitomized in peer groups called barkada. In the villages of Central Luzon, for example, Tagalog males who joined tenancy unions during this decade were tested in an elaborate midnight ritual that branded each on the upper arm with a poker plucked white-hot from a raging bonfire (Fegan 1995; See also Blanc-Szanton 1990, 350). Growing up in such poor communities, many future members of PMA’s Class of 1940, the first products of this new school, were familiar with these masculine rites of testing and bonding. One classmate, Francisco del Castillo, recalled in his autobiography for the class’s 50th reunion Golden Book, that he often missed class in high school to join â€Å"youth who did nothing but form gangs to fight other gangs for su-premacy in the municipality of Vigan.† In a later interview, he added that his reputation as â€Å"a local champion† in ritualized knife fights, attacking with the right hand and defending with a towel wrapped tightly about the left, made him the â€Å"leader† of the town’s west-side gang. Asked if his gang practiced any sort of initiation, del Castillo replied that â€Å"you let him do a certain errand and see how brave he is† (Mendoza 1986, 178; del Castillo 1995). For PMA cadets, hazing and the broader experience of plebe initiation served as a transformative trauma–coloring the subsequent academy experience for individuals and uniting a new class through shared suffering. During their first months, plebes were subjected to an unbroken regimen of running, recitations, and drill under nameless, powerful upperclassmen. Arriving during summer recess when the main activity was their initiation,  incoming plebes faced the harsh, unwavering attentions of the second-year cadets, or â€Å"yearlings†-still aching from their own humiliations that had ended only weeks before. After the initial â€Å"beast barracks,† the hazing subsided into a constant, low-level harassment that continued for another eight months until the upperclass â€Å"recognized† them as full members of the Corps. Surviving this abuse left cadets with a strong sense of personal pride and class identity. Writing in the Golden Book, Class ’40’s Cesar Montemayor recalled their plebe year as â€Å"a one-year initiation period full of rites, rules and requirements† that instilled â€Å"desirable manly and military qualities† (Batch 36 Golden Book, 110-11). In showing how the Commonwealth constructed a new masculinity at the PMA, we cannot ignore the impact that this mobilization and its prop aganda had upon â€Å"the whole order† of gender roles in an emerging nation (Morgan 1994, 169-70). Despite its isolation in the mountains of Baguio, the PMA’s training of these young males had lasting implications for the whole of Philippine society. The school served, in effect, as a social laboratory, a crucible for casting a new form of Filipino masculinity. Through hazing, study, and drill, the academy pounded young males into a foreign mold of military manhood. By parading before the masses in Manila and acting in Tagalog films, these prewar PMA cadets projected this image of masculinity into an emerging national consciousness. Only a year after the PMA opened, a Manila film crew shot a two-reel documentary, titled The West Point of the Philippines, which, the cadet yearbook reported, was â€Å"now being featured at the Ideal Theatre† and was â€Å"taking Manila by storm.†

Claudius Speech †Hamlet Essay

Claudius, the former ruler, husband of his sister and brother of the recently perished king gives a speech at the beginning of Act I. II of Hamlet. Shakespeare’s use of literary devices allows the reader to comprehend the intentions behind Claudius’s figurative language within his coronation speech. The opening scene in Hamlet portrays Denmark to currently be critically unstable and with militaristic chaos; however, in Claudius’s speech he disposes that idea and conveys confidence in the stability of the nation. This chronological set up introduces the theme of appearance vs.  reality as Claudius efforts to manipulate the kingdom into trusting that he has everything under control is carried mischievously yet successfully throughout his speech. Aware of the presence of the rightful king, young Hamlet, Claudius commences his speech with an ambiguous line that strikes the attention of Hamlet. Once he is aware of young Hamlet’s attention, he continues to approach the courthouse. He seemingly shows a state of grief as he acknowledges his dead brother. â€Å" My dear brother’s death† the use of alliteration makes us aware that Claudius has used that line several times before in order to show a sign of loss. He wants to appear that has suffered too from this death, he mentions that â€Å" the memory be green† this metaphor is placed to represent the idea that the memory is fresh and it has not been long since he perished, while also leaving a gruesome image of the old kings decomposing body. His first use of anti-thesis is then exposed in line 6, when he mentions â€Å" the wisest sorrows† in that line he is understanding those in grief but reminding them to think of themselves and the future of Denmark instead. After respectfully mentioning the death of Hamlet, and expressing his condolence to the kingdom he deceitfully moves on to the second important announcement: his wedding. Uneasy, Claudius is trying to go about his speech like a metaphorical obstacle course hoping there is no interference or opposition, while still being able to appear as confident. Efficaciously, he presents his marriage â€Å" Therefore our sometime sister, now our queen, Th’ imperial jointress to this warlike state. † Using the state of war as his alaby to the marriage of his brother’s wife he is able to convince the courthouse that it is for the greater good and that his actions are a form of self-sacrifice for the nation. Continuing to justify his marriage as a cause and affect matrimony instead of acts of incest he mentions the â€Å" mirth in funeral † and â€Å"dirge in marriage†. This literary device is important within his speech because it is his second antithesis, and a paradoxical clause. In this he is suggesting that he brought happiness to this sad event for the benefit of his people. â€Å"In equal scale, weighing delight and dole† Claudius is trying to banish the aura of unsteadiness and declares balance. He makes up for the sorrow of his dead brother, by marrying his sister. Even though it is an obvious unusual event, Claudius reflects enough confidence as king and successfully manages avoid any opposition. A good strategy used was his the frequent use of â€Å" we†. This indicated that the king was not only speaking for himself, but he was speaking for everyone like a good statesman would. In reality however, he was doing so to make everyone aware that it was of â€Å" better wisdoms† to agree with him, and that those with worst wisdoms would not face good consequences. Claudius gently expresses his supreme control over Denmark and threatens anyone who dares oppose him in a non-aggressive way. He later finalizes the topic of marriage by dismissing the awkward topic of the table like a typical political â€Å" For all, our thanks† As king, Claudius then addresses the issues with Norway. Assertively, he informs the kingdom of his plan of action. He repeats the line â€Å" dear brother’s death† giving it little sentimental value. He then quickly states that Norway believes that Denmark is â€Å" disjoint and out of frame. † He assures the courthouse that the case is not so, and that they will successfully deal with Fortibras. The irony behind that is that Denmark is weak, regardless of what Claudius wants his people to believe. In order to seem like a man of action Claudius puts his future plan forward â€Å" Thus much the business is we have here writ to Norway, uncle of young Fortibras. † By doing that he convinces many that he is a potent king. Writing to Norway makes him seem like he is aware of what he is doing and that the nation does not need to worry. To complement his assurance he appoints two messengers to deliver a letter, this is significantly important because his objective is to prove to the court that he trusts his officials, ironically thought, he is purposely sending two people incase of a betrayal. Claudius’s speech had a successful outcome. He was able to gently hide his inner insecurities and expose himself as a good statesman and valiant leader. His word usage was essential to the deliverance of his speech as it allowed him to get his awkward points across like unusual marriage to his sister. His use of antithesis did make the reader question the sincerity of his grief, but it did not seem to affect the opinion of the courthouse. He showed clear superiority over everyone within the courthouse, especially Hamlet, while making himself clear that he would not tolerate any disagreement of his coronation. Most importantly, he put an action plan forward and proved himself as king.

Tuberculosis And The Hiv / Aid Epidemic - 1414 Words

INTRODUCTION Throughout history humans have been plagued with mycobacterial diseases, most notably, Tuberculosis and Leprosy, caused by Mycobacterium tuberculosis and Mycobacterium leprae, respectively. [1] However, with the advent of antimicrobial cocktails and public health measures, the incidence of these diseases saw a sharp decline. [1-2] Conversely, with the increase of pulmonary diseases due to smoking, immunosuppressive drug therapies, and the HIV/AID epidemic, the incidence of diseases caused by non-Tuberculosis Mycobacteria (NTM) began to increase. [2] These NTMs are ubiquitous in nature and can be found nearly everywhere (e.g., soil, domestic and wild animals, tap water, surface water, milk, and food.) [3-4] Currently, just†¦show more content†¦[4-5] Though these species are extremely related there relevance to certain disease manifestation is dissimilar. In order to resolve these species modern techniques must be implemented. Probes have been designed to target and amplify un iquely identifiable regions on the genomes of these two species. [5] By using Polymerase chain reactions (PCR) the ratio of M. avium and M. intracelluare can be ascertained for each manifestation of disease. Other members of Mycobacteria can be isolated and identified in the MAC including M. chimaera and M. colombiense. [2] Research shows that M. avium is more predominant in highly disseminated, systemic manifestations whereas M. intracelluare is more predominate in pulmonary, localized manifestations. The importance of this ratio has not yet been discovered; however, the true significance may be important to future research and treatments. [8] ECOLOGY. MAC organisms, much like many of the other NTMs, are found in an extraordinary number of different ecological niches. M. avium and M. intracelluare, as stated above, can be isolated from the environment in soils, water, and on animals. MAC organisms can also be transient flora of healthy humans. [3] EPIDEMIOLOGY TRANSMISSION. Because the reservoir for MAC is environmental, the potential exposure to it is high. [3] Subcutaneous testing of M. intracelluare antigen revealed high levels of exposure especially in the costal regions of the